The change we need (1)

Eze Onyekpere
| credits: File copy

On March 28, 2015, Nigerians voted for change at the federal level by giving the mandate to a candidate of a political party different from the one that had been at the helm of affairs since 1999. The successful conduct of the polls, even though there were a few hiccups and the gracious acceptance of defeat by the incumbent President set the tone for a new Nigeria which some analysts have dubbed, “Nigeria rising”.

By the time Nigerians are reading this piece, the results of the governorship and state Houses of Assembly elections would have been declared and new executives and legislatures elected by the people in most states of the federation. Yes, they may be described as new even if the people merely renewed the mandate of the present occupants of the elective positions.

We have voted for a change of individuals and parties at the centre but the real change will involve a change of governance methodologies, systems and processes. This will imply the real “not business as usual”; a new mindset, thinking, philosophy and approach to governance. The implication will be magnanimity in victory, not a winner-takes-all approach, a clear sense of purpose and understanding of the backwardness and poverty in the land coupled with a commitment to deploy our resources in the most prudent and value-for-money manner. This is not the time in the All Progressives Congress for celebrations. The party has been invited by Nigerians to lay its hands on the plough, to work and fulfil their electoral promises. It is therefore a time to be more dedicated when compared to the electioneering period; to strategise on how to ensure that Nigeria bounces back to reckoning in its economy, politics and social life and indeed all facets of national life.

One can imagine that the jostling and positioning for appointment into high government offices may have started in earnest. A word of advice for the President-elect: Merit, track record, competence, honesty, vision and capacity should guide appointments. Of course, national spread in appointments in accordance with the federal character provision of the constitution should be observed. Round pegs must be put in round holes and square pegs must also have square holes dug out for them Professional politicians should be kept at bay and avenues other than occupying public offices that touch on the lives of millions of Nigerians should be found to compensate them for whatever role they played in the elections.

The Peoples Democratic Party idea of asking governors as leaders of the party in the states to recommend ministerial nominees should be a thing of the past. Rather, the transition committee should be large enough to have a sub-committee dedicated to the search for credible nominees to be appointed as ministers or special advisers. The nominees have to be recommended against the background of specific portfolios as against the idea that anyone can fill any position. Thus, the ministerial list to be submitted to the National Assembly for screening should detail the specific position to be allocated to each nominee so that he will be screened on the basis of his understanding of the sector and what the person intends to do to develop the sector. A ministerial position should not be an internship position for the nominee.

In the task of constituting the cabinet, the number of ministers and advisers will also set the tone of governance especially as to whether the new administration is ready to cut down on the cost of governance. An unwieldy team of advisers who may have no feasible portfolios and who the President may not even listen to or consult, makes no sense. It will be a continuation of business as usual. A trim cabinet and advisers’ list with clearly designated competencies will contribute more to development than converting the federal executive to a job for the boys.

In running the new administration, existing policies, programmes and activities must not be changed just for the sake of change. They should only be changed if they are not working or they may be fine-tuned to make them more effective. Government is a continuum and the fact that a project was started by an administration does not mean that it cannot be concluded by a new one. This was the mistake of the PDP government when the Obasanjo administration’s National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy was discontinued for President Yar’Adua’s 7-Point Agenda and the Agenda was further discontinued for President Goodluck Jonathan’s Transformation Agenda.

In designing new policies and activities, the administration should remember that it has only four years subject to the electorate renewing the mandate. It should also remember that the resources are very limited. It should not set unachievable goals; instead, it should plan for only what is feasible within the resource envelope. This should not take away bold and imaginative ideas. But first think in terms of new ways to raise revenue against the background of the dwindling oil price. These suggestions are not rocket science. A number of committee reports have been gathering dust on the shelves; let researchers and thinkers dust them up. Study and see what can be implemented instead of setting up entirely new committees to start de-novo. Nigeria has stagnated over the years for failure to solve a few revolving challenges. The new administration needs not reinvent the wheel.

The administration should seek to utilise all available resources including human, information, technology, ecological/environmental and financial resources for the progressive realisation of the good of the majority of Nigerians. In maximising the use of our financial resources, stop crude oil theft – we can realise additional N1.460trillion (400,000 barrels a day at $50pb x 365 days at the rate of N200=1$). By passing and implementing a reworked Petroleum Industry Bill, the estimate is an additional N2tn and N3tn. By stopping the corruption and leakages in the system and implementing the restructuring of government agencies, another N500bn could possibly be saved. With the right political will, another N500bn could be saved from fuel subsidies. This list cannot be exhaustive but mere pointers in the direction of available financial resources that can be redeployed. We can therefore move from a federal budget of about N4tn a year to N8tn within the first 18 months of the administration.

There is a caveat to all these; the government should ensure that the people are carried along in all its reforms. Once the government rides on a strong moral authority and credibility backed with the support of the population, the sky is the limit as to what can be achieved. This entails an open government, freedom of fiscal and other official information; monthly and quarterly reporting of income and expenditure and value for money in government contracting. The change we need will emerge gradually and Nigeria will be rising if the Buhari administration is run with nobility of volition and spirit.

Azuka Onwuka

For Jonathan, the Nobel Peace Prize beckons

 

Imagine if Nigeria had an egocentric, greedy and myopic person as President on March 28, 2015 when the presidential election was held. A couple of things would have happened. From the beginning, the electoral umpire would have been made loyal to the President and his party only and antagonistic to the opposition parties. Therefore, the President’s party would have won the elections, no matter the voting wishes of the electorate. If the opposition did not like the results, it should go to court.

Secondly, if by any shred of luck the electoral umpire had announced that the opposition had won the election, the President would have countered it by announcing his own result showing that he won the election.

Thirdly, a crisis would have broken out across the country, leading to killings and arson. Businesses would have closed shop. Many Nigerians and expatriates would have fled the country. Some investors and would-be investors would have been scared away. The international community would have concluded that Nigeria had behaved like most African countries: Always eager to cling to power.

But fortunately, on March 28, our President was a certain Goodluck Jonathan, a man with a different attitude to power.

Just read some statements he has been making since the 2011 elections when he contested the presidency for the first time and see that he has consistently been emphasising that he is peace-loving and not power-hungry:

“If I lose this election, of course, I will go back to my village. The country is not my father’s estate.”

“My ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian.”

“Let nobody rig for me.”

“Yes, nothing will really ruffle me because I am willing and ready to serve but I am not desperate to serve. That is what keeps me going.”

“All of us who want to hold offices from the least: a counsellor of a ward or a chairman of a council, a member of the state House of Assembly or member of House of Representatives, Senate, Governor or the President – if all of us are always ready and willing to serve our people but we are not desperate in that our mission, then of course, Nigeria will be a better place for all of us.”

In the same vein, his concession speech was all about the peace and stability of Nigeria, not about his ambition. Here are excerpts from that speech:

“I promised the country free and fair elections. I have kept my word. I have also expanded the space for Nigerians to participate in the democratic process. That is one legacy I will like to see endure.

“Although some people have expressed mixed feelings about the results announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission, I urge those who may feel aggrieved to follow due process based on our constitution and our electoral laws, in seeking redress.

“As I have always affirmed, nobody’s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian. The unity, stability and progress of our dear country are more important than anything else.”

Since the 2010 Anambra State governorship election, which Jonathan supervised when President Umaru Yar’Adua was hosptalised in Saudi Arabia, Nigeria’s elections have consistently been experiencing a boost in transparency and credibility. Interestingly, that 2010 Anambra election was conducted by Prof Maurice Iwu as the Chairman of the same INEC, which had been seriously criticised for conducting flawed elections, especially from 2003 to 2009. In addition to the much criticised 2007 elections Iwu organised when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was still the President, he had also organised the much-condemned Ekiti State re-run election in April 2009 while Yar’Adua was hale and hearty. Therefore, the obvious improvement in the conduct of the Anambra State governorship election in February 2010 when Jonathan was in charge was not a happenstance. It proved that the low standard of elections is caused by the meddlesomeness of whoever is the president of the country. If the President does not interfere in the electoral process or does not put undue pressure on the electoral umpire, the electoral body can be fair to all the political parties and allow the wishes of the electorate to stand.

That was what the coming of Jonathan has done to the country’s electoral process. He has truly allowed the “Independent” in the name of INEC to be true. And Nigeria has been the better for it. Also, in all the state elections conducted under his watch, he promptly congratulated the winner, even when his party’s candidate lost or was still protesting the outcome of the election. It was, therefore, not out of character for him to have congratulated Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress. Doing so even while the results of the March 28 election were still being collated was just a matter of adding some icing on the cake.

It seems so distant when the cocksure era of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party lasted. It was the era when the Chairman of the PDP, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, boasted that the party would rule Nigeria for 60 years. Ogbulafor knew that however the people voted, the results would be announced to favour its party. It was not surprising that within that period, the court upturned electoral victories in Anambra, Rivers, Ondo, Edo, Ekiti, and Osun states.

However, since Jonathan took over as Acting President in 2010 till today, there have become fewer electoral court cases. And courts no longer upturn election results because they have become more transparent and credible.

In addition, unlike in the recent past when top political figures were assassinated, Jonathan’s tenure has been devoid of such assassinations in spite of Obasanjo’s allegation in December 2013 that Jonathan was “training snipers and other armed personnel secretly” to take out political opponents. Ironically, it was during Obasanjo’s tenure that political figures like Chief Bola Ige, Chief Funsho Williams, Chief Harry Marshal, etc, were killed without their killers found till today. It is obvious that the allegation against Jonathan was part of the grand design to demonise him and get him out as president, a plot which went according to plan.

It is gratifying to see that this Jonathan example is being imitated by other politicians. The prompt way politicians like Jimi Agbaje and Nuhu Ribadu of Lagos and Adamawa states respectively conceded defeat on Sunday immediately the governorship results of their states were announced was soul-lifting. This was also how Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State conceded defeat last June, even though some other controversies trailed that bold and commendable act.

By May 29, 2015 when the tenure of Jonathan will have elapsed, he will have spent five years and three months as the commander-in-chief of the nation, having been made the Acting President on February 9, 2010. He has recorded some positives and some negatives. His chief albatross is the Boko Haram insurgency, especially the kidnapping of the Chibok girls. The other point is the issue of corruption, which was hyped in the media as worse than before, but Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index actually shows that Nigeria has been less corrupt under the Presidency of Jonathan than in the years of 1999 to 2007.

The exit of Jonathan will usher in Buhari and a new era. As President, Buhari will seek to make a difference. That is the prayer of anyone who loves Nigeria. But one snag is that he and his party have over-promised, and expectations are sky-high and maybe difficult to meet. The urge for change after 16 years of the PDP made many to refuse to acknowledge any achievement of Jonathan for the simple reason that such an acknowledgement could make him popular and easier to re-elect. But by the time the euphoria over the change in government ebbs, there will be a more dispassionate assessment of Jonathan’s era, especially in comparative terms.

Therefore, this is no prophecy. By May 29, 2016, when Buhari will have been in office for one year, many of Jonathan’s harsh critics will have changed their views about him. There will be nostalgic feeling about Jonathan with comments like: “If it were during Jonathan’s tenure.”

Given the crisis and bloodshed Jonathan has saved Nigeria by refusing to act like other power-hungry African presidents, it will not be surprising if the organisers of awards like Nobel Peace Prize and the Mo Ibrahim Prize come looking for the man from Otuoke who went to school as a child without shoes.

Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR, President-elect

Buhari Presidency: The critical first 100 days (2)

Continued from Monday

The celebrative victory party for Muhammadu Buhari and the All Progressives Congress will be over by May 29, 2015 when he is sworn in as President, and the countdown to 2019 general elections when the party submits again to the electorate’s verdict would have begun. The President-elect has accurately identified the demons of corruption and insecurity as the twin evils   bedeviling Nigeria which must be wrestled down. Nigeria has gone through cycles of euphoria and disappointments as the promise of any new government soon turns a mirage. This has bred what scholars have identified as the phenomenon of unfulfilled rising expectations leading to rising frustrations in many developing countries and occasioning a state of near permanent crisis. But Nigerians are hopeful that this time round, there will be CHANGE, for the better. The first part of this write-up took up the issue of security and why the Nigeria Police and the Federal Road Safety Corps must be overhauled and made to deliver on their mandate for public order. This concluding part deals with the issue of corruption and the place of the media in the development effort as The Buhari Presidency embarks on the mission to make Nigeria stand tall, again.

A POPULIST ANTI-CORRUPTION WAR.

The Buhari Presidency will face its toughest challenge in the war against corruption. This is because over the past four decades, beginning in the 1980s, corruption has assumed the status of a cultural norm and as such will require not just a mechanistic legal approach, but a cultural re-orientation that must have a revolutionary fervour. So many people are on the corruption take, to the extent that even the economy runs on corruption. The new President may not be on the same page in the corruption war with some people, including those he may appoint to office. For “President” Buhari, therefore, tackling corruption will, as in the title of Alhaji Babatunde Jose’s media memoir, amount to walking the tight rope. He had stated he won’t delve into the past. But the past cannot be de-linked from the present and that would present a dilemma should people want to hold him by his words. However, the dilemma is not insurmountable. Buhari can stay in the background as the SYMBOL of the anti-corruption campaign while his appointees in the relevant regulatory agencies become the point-men manning the barricades against the corrupt.

Lifestyle Monitoring

Because of corruption’s deep taproot in the society, any hope of a successful war against corruption must involve the mobilisation of the people to see it as the people’s war. The primary inducement to corruption is monetary and material wealth acquisition. A helpful habit is that many who acquired resources through corruption cannot seem to resist the temptation of ostentatious living. They brazenly flaunt the “dividends” of corruption before our very eyes, without any fear of retribution,- thus making the honest worker look stupid. It is this impunity that has encouraged a bandwagon effect where virtually everybody is now scrambling to get on the corruption train on their way to El Dorado undisturbed of opulence. But since the corrupt live among the people, many of who feel offended by the put down attitude of the corrupt rich, such people would gladly expose the economic parasites. A people-oriented approach will assuage the anger of the people while also giving them the feeling of being part of their own salvation. Before now, the culture of most ethnic groups in Nigeria was to have no regard for those seen to have amassed illegitimate wealth, often barring their children from marrying into such families. Children grew up nurtured into a culture of not taking things which did not belong to them, with parents querying any lifestyle considered beyond the legitimate earnings of their children. All that have changed – parents now even show contempt for their children who are not into corruption, citing the affluence of their children’s corrupt age mates. That is how far down the sewer of corruption Nigeria has sunk. It is therefore imperative that people must be made to account for their affluent lifestyle and fat bank accounts. Also, those who enjoyed collateral benefits of corruption – wives/husbands, adult children and friends – should also be charged for aiding and abetting corruption.

The Media

The media is of critical importance to the Buhari Presidency.   The reality of the moment is that a President Buhari needs the media more than the media needs him, since the media slant in projecting the activities of his government to the public can substantially make or break his presidency. There are glaring excesses in the media, part of which manifested in the presidential election campaigns where many media outlets became platforms for hate and incitement, so much so that there was palpable fear of post-election violence that forced many to temporarily relocate to their ethnic enclaves. However, in spite of the negativism of many media establishments, print and broadcast, the Buhari Presidency will need to formally reach out to the media with a view to mobilising them as partners with his Presidency. To signpost the importance his administration intend to accord the media, a Presidency-Media Summit holding within the first few days of inauguration will go a long way to establish mutual rapport. The Presidency needs to key the Nigerian press into Prof. Dennis McQuail’s Development Media Theory where journalists are made to understand their strategic role of being agents of positive change. This media mobilisation does not detract from content analysis of media fare with a view to presenting empirical evidence of media excesses, during periodic media reviews, to rein in zealots. Of course, the Buhari Presidency would have to accommodate media criticisms, including that of specific office holders, as necessary feedback mechanism for better service delivery. Buhari cannot afford to be irritable with the media so as not to prompt the taunt: There he goes again – a throw back to his military regime days which saw journalists clamped in jail. However, in extreme cases where media recklessness and irresponsibility present a clear and present danger to the stability of the state, then the administration can invoke the declaration of Britain’s Chief Justice Blackstone in the 18th century that while there should be no prior restraint of what the media could publish, journalists must be ready to face “the consequences” of their “temerity” when they put the state in jeopardy.

Indiscipline

The Nigerian populace look forward to an eventful and momentous first 100 days of the Buhari Presidency characterised by a frenetic pace of activities, not a slow-paced learning process. One area that the government can make dramatic impact is confronting indiscipline in government and among the people, with a President Buhari leading by example by being punctual at ALL official engagements. The War Against Indiscipline is needed now more that 30 years ago when his regime introduced it. Indiscipline in time management is symptomatic of an irresponsible leadership and a sick society, a disposition that inflicts heavy toll on work hours, productivity and social relations. When governors, minister, and top government functionaries begin to attend scheduled functions ON TIME, and the people are compelled to embrace discipline on the road and other public engagements, it sends a powerful message on CHANGE. If this seemingly intangible action can be implemented WITH IMMEDIATE EFFECT, it will enhance salutary positive perception of the Buhari Presidency in its first 100 days. But the reality on the ground, given the rot in the system, is that President-elect Buhari faces a tough challenge in the days ahead as he takes the hard road to Nigeria’s redemption. However, he can take solace in the lyrics of singer Jimmy Cliff’s 1967 track: Hard Road To Travel:

   “ I’ve got a hard road to travel and a rough, rough way to go

     But I can’t turn back, My heart is fixed, My mind is made up

I’ll never stop, my faith will see, see me through”.

Well, the Die is Cast, and Buhari cannot turn back on this rough road ahead, perhaps buoyed on the conviction that his faith, in the course he has chosen for himself, will see him through.

Dr. Olawunmi, a Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Bowen University, Iwo, wrote in via olawunmibisi@yahoo.com0803 364 7571

CHIBOK GIRL ONE YEAR AFTER

Bayo Olupohunda

CHIBOK GIRL ONE YEAR AFTER

Today marks a year since Boko Haram insurgents stormed the premises of Government College, Chibok, Borno State, and abducted close to 300 schoolgirls taking their final year examinations. A year after the girls’ disappearance into the cold embrace of the insurgents, the abduction has gone down in history as one of the most heinous terrorist attacks in modern times. The abduction also brought Boko Haram to the attention of the world as one of the most dangerous terrorist organisations since Al Qaeda began its terror war at the turn of the millennium. A lot has happened since the abduction that cut short the dreams of the girls who had hoped to use education as a springboard for a bright future.

The tragic story of the teenage girls whose dreams disappeared like a candle in the wind should haunt our country and our collective memory for a long time to come. What happened on April 14 was a failure of leadership at all levels. The Nigerian government both at the federal and state levels in the entire North-East failed in their primary duty to secure the lives of Nigerian citizens living in that part of the country. It is even worse that the government failed the young girls who had hopes for their future. Their abduction and failure to secure their release from Boko Haram should prick the conscience of our leaders. It is sadder to know that the country has moved on without a thought for the plight of the girls.

The question we should ask ourselves as a people is how we found the conscience to forget so soon. What if the girls were our relatives? What if they were our daughters and nieces? What is even more appalling is how we as a people have failed to take our government to task in the last one year. But for the activism of the Oby Ezekwesili-led #BringBackOurGirls campaign group that has consistently put pressure on the government to live up to its duties, the issue would have been swept under the carpet as we have done with many of the ills afflicting our nation. But I am glad that Nigerians delivered a no-confidence verdict on President Jonathan’s incompetence on insecurity by voting out the administration in the last elections. Never again should we tolerate any government that takes our security for granted.

Since the global campaign to bring back the girls, the world seems to have moved on. But Nigerians must not forget that we owe it a responsibility to the girls. A lot has happened since that fateful night of April 14, 2014. In the one year since the abduction, I have had cause to doubt if the girls would ever be found. Indeed, shortly after the kidnap took place, I had written in this column that the girls might never be found. Many Nigerians were understandably angry at my pessimism. But it was a painful reality given what we know of our government’s inability to protect us. It was a bitter truth that must be told. This is one year after and we are still wondering where the girls are. How sad! The abduction will remain a dark chapter in our nation’s history.

The Chibok girls’ saga is also a blot on the legacy of the outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan administration. History will record the failure a President who allowed the abduction to happen and played politics with the terror war. Perhaps, it is fitting that President Jonathan lost his bid for a second term because of his inability to protect the lives of Nigerians. Under his watch, the insecurity situation worsened. The abduction of the girls and many others took place under the administration’s nose. Nigerians must never forget that in 2014 alone, over 500 people were abducted in the North-East while more than 15,000 Nigerians have died since Boko Haram began its terror campaign. And it is on for this reason that we must hold the incoming government accountable right from the start on the issue of insecurity. No government worth its salt must take the issue of insecurity for granted.

I hope the incoming Muhammadu Buhari administration knows very well that Nigerians expect the government to protect our lives and keep Nigerians safe in every part of the country. The incoming administration must strengthen the collaboration with the multinational forces to protect the North-East borders and rout out the Boko Haram insurgents.

A year after, I still have serious doubts that the girls will ever be found. It is a sad reality that we will have to live with as a people. In my response after the abduction, I had alluded to some reasons why the girls might never be found. The leader of Boko Haram insurgents, Abubakar Shekau, had at the time announced in a chilling video recording that he had sold off the girls. There had also been intelligence reports that the girls might have been separated in groups and taken across borders where they would have been sold to warlords. If those reports were true at the time, did they not explain the reason why the girls have not been located? So, rescuing the girls as a group would almost have been impossible if they had been scattered across the border. Recent reports that they were spotted in the Sambissa Forest have been speculative.

Conflicting reports coming from the government and its military have not given any hope of rescue. At a time, the Chief of Defence Staff, Alex Bardeh, told Nigerians the military knew where the girls were located. At another time, they denied knowing the girls’ whereabouts, a claim the President confirmed in a media chat in 2014. The question many Nigerians had asked at the time was: If the government did not know the location of the girls either through intelligence report from its international partners and its own military, how then did it hope to conduct any rescue operation? I had also questioned the military’s lip service to finding the girls in one of the many articles on the matter in this column when it appeared that the only thing they were good at doing was the empty rhetoric of re-assuring Nigerians rather than a concrete action plan.

As the country marks the first anniversary of the abduction, the military must look back and assess where it has failed. The government must also reassess its security strategy and reorganise its intelligence and military institutions to respond to the ever growing security threat in country.

As I write this piece, I hate to think that the girls may not be found. But my prayer and hope are that they are found for their sake and that of their parents and families who have had to live through the trauma. Let us remember them in our prayers. Nigerians must also commend the Oby Ezekwesil-led campaigners who have consistently put the issue on the front burner. The resilience of the #BringBackOurGirls activists who in the last one year have put pressure on the government to live up to its responsibility is a reminder to all Nigerians that an injustice done to citizen(s) in one part of the country is an injustice to all Nigerians.

2014 was a rough year –Messi

Lionel Messi

Lionel Messi says he feels back to his best after what he feels was a difficult 2014 plagued with off-field problems, Goal reports.

The Argentine was came under criticism towards the end of last season as his side lost out on the Liga title to Atletico Madrid and were eliminated from the Champions League at the quarter-final stage, while the player himself was beaten to the FIFA Ballon d’Or by Cristiano Ronaldo.

Off the field, he became the subject of a tax investigation, with a threat of possible jail time looming over him.

The 27-year-old, however, says he has recovered from a rough year and is happy with his personal life and his performances.

“I am happy. The truth is that I started the season in another way after what happened to me last year,” he told Barca’s official website. “I had a difficult year for what happened off the field, for my injuries and my performance. But this year I started differently and now I feel great.

“Last year I had an uneven season. I was out with injuries and missed many games. When I returned to the pitch, it never ended well. It was a year that I’ve tried to forget quickly to get back to my best version. Luckily now I feel fine.”

The Catalan side failed to pick up a major trophy last season and Messi feels that disappointment has motivated the players to return to picking up silverware this term.

“We came from a time when each year we were winning a title, and perhaps we did not value what we were winning,” he added.

“It was a bad year in which we won nothing, and now, when they get back some success, we will see how important they are and enjoy them more because we know they are very hard to achieve.”

The four-time Ballon d’Or winner is nearing his 400th Barcelona goal and he said he wants to keep adding to his tally once he reaches the milestone.

“It’s nice to score goals. Some are special, but it’s the same. By now every goal is a goal, but it is nice to know that I can keep adding to them and remain in the history of this great club.”

The attacker also praised team-mates Luis Suarez and Neymar, stating that they add a new dimension to the team’s front line.

“Barcelona have always had great forwards, not just now with Neymar and Luis. But it’s true that we are taking advantage of them because they are both great world stars. They give us another thing than goals, so in that sense, I’m calm.”

Echiejile

Echiejile targets Juve upset

Monaco can upset favourites Juventus in Tuesday’s UEFA Champions League quarterfinal first leg match in Turin, according to the French club’s defender Elderson Echiejile, AfricanFootball.com reports.

Monaco may not have won in Italy all these years, but Nigeria international Elderson they could rewrite history on Tuesday night in Turin.

“In the (Champions League) group stage, we set a new record by not conceding a goal in six matches. We could as well rewrite our history by winning in Italy,” he told his official website elderson3.com.

“We only need to stay focused in both legs and we could be in the semifinals.”

He added, “Juventus are on great form in Serie A as well as in Europe, but we can get results from them to go through.”

Monaco themselves have shrugged off a wretched start to the season and have now gone eight games unbeaten in the French Ligue 1 and are now third in the standings on 58 points from 32 matches, just three points behind leaders PSG.

But Juve were the more convincing qualifiers to the last-eight after they dumped Borussia Dortmund 5-1 on aggregate, while Monaco needed the away goals’ rule to progress after they were tied at 3-3 aggregate with Arsenal.